BLACK mobile logo

international

Africa’s governments already treat the internet as protest infrastructure. Its courts have not caught up

October 7, 2026

Since 2014, African governments have cut internet access more than 70 times across 32 countries, not just to suppress speech but to prevent coordinated action and disperse assemblies before they form. Legal challenges to these shutdowns typically frame them as violations of free expression rights under Article 9 of the African Charter, but this approach has yielded limited success because shutdowns fundamentally restrict the right to assembly under Article 11, which requires governments to meet a stricter "necessity" standard. While international human rights frameworks explicitly prohibit internet disruptions related to peaceful assemblies, African courts have rarely ruled on assembly claims because advocates fail to properly argue them in litigation.

Who is affected

  • Citizens of 32 African countries who have experienced internet shutdowns since 2014
  • At least 22-30 people killed and over 1,500 arrested during Angola's July 2025 protests
  • Protesters in Zimbabwe (#ThisFlag, #ShutDownZimbabwe), Cameroon (#BringBackOurInternet), South Africa (#DataMustFall), and Nigeria (#EndSARS, #EndBadGovernance)
  • Ethiopia's Zone 9 bloggers (2014), Jamii Forums co-founder in Tanzania (2016), Ignace Sossou in Benin (2019), and two journalists in Mali (June 2026)
  • Cameroon's Anglophone regions (offline for over a year from January 2017)
  • Fizi territory in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo (offline for over a month from July 2026)
  • Students in Algeria (annual exam shutdowns), Kenya (Telegram blocked during 2023-2024 exams)
  • Ndiaga Gueye and his Senegalese technology users' association
  • Citizens of Senegal (June-July 2023 mobile internet cuts), Togo (2017 shutdown), Tanzania (October 2025 election shutdown), Uganda (January 2026 blackout)
  • Licensed telecommunications companies required to execute shutdown orders

What action is being taken

  • The author has been maintaining a monthly record of technology, media and telecommunications law across Africa since January 2014 (now at its 152nd consecutive edition)
  • Access Now's KeepItOn coalition is independently counting and tracking internet shutdowns
  • Civil society monitors are documenting casualties and arrests during protests
  • Rights groups are demanding compliance with court orders (specifically mentioned regarding Kenya's May 14, 2025 conservatory order)

Why it matters

  • Internet shutdowns fundamentally violate the right to assembly, not just free expression, because they prevent coordinated action and disperse gatherings before they form rather than simply silencing speech. The distinction matters legally because Article 11 of the African Charter requires "necessary restrictions" while Article 9 permits restrictions "within the law," making assembly rights subject to a stricter standard. Despite clear international frameworks—including the UN Human Rights Committee's 2020 General Comment 37 and the African Commission's 2019 Declaration—explicitly prohibiting internet disruptions related to peaceful assemblies, courts have consistently failed to rule on assembly claims because advocates don't properly argue them. This legal gap allows governments to continue shutdowns with impunity, as demonstrated by the pattern continuing after favorable court rulings in Zimbabwe, Togo, and Senegal, with shutdowns occurring in Tanzania, Uganda, and Angola despite existing legal victories. The failure to enforce assembly rights enables governments to prevent democratic participation and suppress dissent across the continent, affecting millions of citizens' ability to organize, protest, and hold their governments accountable.

What's next

  • Litigators and human rights activists must argue assembly claims properly with evidence and argument, not merely list Article 11 in pleadings
  • Advocates should leverage the positive duty in the African Commission's 2017 Guidelines on Freedom of Association and Assembly, which requires states to facilitate assembly rather than just refrain from crushing it
  • Civil society must name and hold telecommunications operators accountable through license conditions as a lever for enforcement
  • Non-compliance with court orders should be treated as enforcement failures rather than open legal questions requiring further litigation

Read full article from source: Global Voices